Kamis, 22 November 2012

2 JOHN


2 John: 
Introduction, Argument, and Outline
Daniel B. Wallace
January 2002
I. Introduction 
A. Author
Before 1936 few English-speaking scholars doubted the traditional view that the author of the three letters ascribed to John were written by the same man who authored the Fourth Gospel. In that year, C. H. Dodd delivered a lecture in which he argued that 1 John was written by a disciple of John, not by the evangelist himself.  The question of the authorship of 2 John, therefore, must be approached from two directions: (1) How does this little letter relate to 1 John? and (2) How do the Johannine letters relate to the Fourth Gospel?

1. External Evidence
Early testimony regarding the authorship of 2 John is not as strong as it is for 1 John, “yet the brevity of the letter and the lesser likelihood of its being quoted by Christian authors must be given full weight in assessing the evidence (the same applies to 3 John).”  The situation would be roughly similar to imposing a requirement that every chapter in one of Paul’s letters be quoted before that book be admitted into the canon, for 2 John is no larger than a small chapter of another letter. Further, neither 2 John nor 3 John have much in the way of edifying quotations—even when compared to a single chapter from most other NT letters. In other words, the struggle for canonicity (which was always bound up with authorship) which 2-3 John faced would have been quite predictable. That these two letters—each of which could have been written on a single sheet of papyrus—were preserved at all is a subtle point in favor of the traditional ascription of their Johannine authorship.
On the side of common authorship among all three letters as well as apostolic authorship, we may cite the following authorities. Irenaeus, who alludes to 2 John, assumes apostolic authorship. The Muratorian Fragment mentions two letters by John, the second of which could have either been 2 John or 2-3 John (the two forming one letter).  Clement of Alexandria recognized more than one letter by John. Origen recognized both 2 and 3 John, though he admitted that their genuineness was disputed by some. Dionysius of Alexandria likewise mentions John’s second and third letters, recognizing that some dispute their authenticity. Finally, Polycarp is sometimes alleged to refer to 2 John 7, but his wording is closer to that of 1 John 4.2-3, which 2 John 7 emulates (Philippians 7.1).
On the other side, Eusebius placed 2 and 3 John with the disputed books. Jerome and Ambrose also expressed doubts about their authenticity. The Syriac church apparently rejected these two letters until sometime after 411 CE (latest probable publication date of the Peshitta), and they were not fully accepted until the beginning of the sixth century.
Some implications about the external evidence are as follows. (1) “It is significant that the earlier writers appear to have less hesitation about apostolic authorship than the later, which is the reverse of what would be expected if the doubts were based on accurate tradition.”  (2) Since the author is called only “the elder” in 2-3 John, perhaps confusion at a later date (due to Papias’ famous statement [which will be discussed shortly]) over the alleged two Johns might have caused some hesitation. On the other hand, it is just possible that the “elder” John (distinct from the apostle) wrote these two letters, and it is precisely for this reason that they struggled for canonicity. (3) Rather than due to confusion, some of those who disputed apostolic authorship may have had ulterior motives. Eusebius, for example, who has preserved for us the statement by Papias, “had a special interest in distinguishing two Johns, since he did not appreciate the chiliasm of the Apocalypse.”  Therefore, since in Eusebius’ interpretation of Papias’ statement, “John the elder” did not refer to the apostle, and since 2-3 John are authored by the ‘elder,’ Eusebius may have felt compelled to conclude that 2-3 John were not authored by the apostle (in order to maintain his disavowal of chiliasm). For others, it is possible that the addressee, “the elect lady,” was taken literally, and hence, would seem inappropriate for an apostle to write such a letter.
To sum up external evidence: the reasons for the minimal attestation could be due to a number of factors: lack of quotable material (coupled with brevity of work), denial of apostolic authorship due to antichiliastic bias of some (who would connect “the elder” with the author of Revelation), or the potential impropriety of an apostle writing to an “elect lady.” With so much going against it, that this letter (and 3 John) ever made it into the canon is strong testimony to its apostolic authorship.
2. Internal Evidence
We will deal with the linking of this letter (and 3 John) to 1 John and the Gospel of John in our discussion of 1 John. The only real difficulty with seeing this letter as from the same pen as 1 John is the self-designation “the elder.” This creates a problem in two directions: (1) Why does John not identify himself as the apostle? and (2) Why did he not use this self-designation in 1 John?
(1) As several scholars have pointed out, “the elder” does not necessarily have to be a terminus technicus, but could simply be an affectionate term meaning “the old man.”  This would especially be appropriate if he were the last surviving apostle. Further, when one compares this lack of apostolic self-designation with Paul’s letters, it is observed that two items are not parallel: (a) Since John was one of the original twelve, there would be no need for him to have to defend his apostleship; (b) it is only in Paul’s most polemical letters that he spends any amount of time defending his apostleship (though he does use the term as a title in all). We might add further that the Papias quotation may suggest that John was both an apostle and an elder.
Concerning whether a certain “John the elder” wrote 2-3 John (a view held by Jerome, in light of the statement by Papias ), Guthrie correctly points out:
There are difficulties with this view. It is difficult, for instance, to see how or why such an attribution would be made unless the close similarity of these letters with I John and the gospel should be appealed to. But if so it must be supposed that the unknown elder had either consciously imitated John’s style to give the impression of Johannine authorship, which is highly improbable since in that case he would have chosen a different title from ‘the elder,’ or, if the similarities with the other Johannine writings were accidental, he must have been so close a student of John that subsequent Church Fathers were unable to distinguish his own writings from the master’s and this can hardly have happened accidentally. The case for considering ‘the elder’ as a simple description of the aged apostle seems much more intelligible than either of these alternatives.
(2) Why did John not call himself “the elder” in 1 John? This may have been due to one of several reasons: (a) 1 John is more of a homily than a letter—and it is not insignificant that there is no self-designation in it; (b) 1 John seems to have been written somewhat later than 2 John (in our view) and no self-designation would have been needed (especially if the letter-bearer prefaced the public reading of the letter ); (c) there may well have been a self-designation for 1 John, written on the verso side of the papyrus,  which subsequently became lost.  In any event, since the style, verbiage, outlook, etc. are so similar among all three letters, there is little doubt that the same man authored all three, regardless of peculiar quirks which each one has.
In sum, there is no compelling reason to deny common authorship of the three letters ascribed to John. And if, on other grounds (especially the linking of the Gospel to the letters) John the apostle emerges as the author, that is still the most preferable view.
B. Place of Writing/Destination
As we will argue for 1 John and have argued for the Gospel, the place of writing was probably Ephesus. Whether John was writing to “an elect lady”—i.e., a real person—or a church is a more difficult problem to assess. The vast bulk of NT scholars prefer the view that the author is writing to a church.
There are actually five different ways ejklekth'/ kuriva/ can be taken: “the elect lady,” “an elect lady,” “Electa the Lady,” “the elect Kyria,” or “Electa Kyria.” The last three can be eliminated almost immediately (even though older commentators favored them), for there is no shred of evidence that “Electa” was ever used as a personal name, and “Kyria” was only rarely used in this manner. Further, v 13 speaks of this lady’s “elect sister,” which presupposes most likely a common meaning for “elect lady” in v 1. Of the other two options, “the elect lady” is preferable to “an elect lady” since a specific addressee is obviously in mind.
Still, this does not solve the problem of whether an individual or a church is in view. On the side of an individual are the following arguments: (1) It would be more natural to take this as an individual unless there are compelling arguments against such a view. (2) If 3 John were written at the same time, since that was written to an individual, this probably is too. (3) No where else in the NT is a church, as a collective whole, called “elect.” Not only this, but only some of her children were “walking in the truth” (v. 4): Can an entire church be called elect if some of its members are not believers?
For the “church” view are the following arguments: (1) Verse 1 is an unqualified statement that “all who have come to know the truth” love this lady. Individuals would hardly be as well known as churches; hence, this is much more intelligible if it refers to a church. (2) Since the word for church is feminine (hJ ejkklhsiva), and since elsewhere feminine imagery is used of the church,  it should hardly surprise us to see such a usage here. Further, John is quite fond of figurative speech, double meanings, puns, etc.  (3) If 1 Peter 5.13 refers to a church, as it is almost universally understood, then an entire church can be called “elect” (suneklekthv). (4) This letter lacks a parallel with 3 John in that no personal name is mentioned—either for the lady herself, or for her children, or for her sister or nephews and nieces. (5) The second person plural is used throughout the letter.
On the whole, there is very little to commend the individual view, apart from first impression. The majority of scholars today therefore rightly prefer the church view.
Where this church was is any body’s guess. Most likely it was in Asia Minor, since John had taken up his residence there and his pastoral concern was presumably given to that region. It was not Ephesus, since that was his base of operations. It was also probably not Colossae, since the heretics John deals with are quite similar to those dealt with by Paul in Colossians (some five or six years earlier)—yet John writes to an audience which seems to be a bit naïve about them. This would hardly be true if they had Paul’s letter to the Colossians in front of them. Indeed, some distance from Colossae is presupposed, since that letter was intended to be circulated (cf. Col 4.16)—at least within the immediate vicinity. Further, v 12 seems to suggest that it is difficult for John to get away and make a visit to the church, implying that this is not nearby.
C. Occasion/Date
“There can be no doubt that the false teachers mentioned in verse 7 are the same as those referred to in 1 John…”  However, in 1 John they seem to have separated from the Christian community altogether (2.19), while in 2 John they present themselves as true believers who must rely on the hospitality of Christians in order to accomplish their propaganda. They did not originate from the church addressed in 2 John, though they apparently did come from the church(es) addressed in 1 John. 2 John is written, therefore, to warn “the elect lady” not to show hospitality toward itinerant preachers who cannot confess that Christ has come in the flesh (vv 7-8).
As we will argue in our discussion of 1 John, this letter probably antedated that one by some short amount of time. Since the heretics do not apparently deny the second advent,  and since they are still presenting themselves as part of the Christian community, we suggest a terminus a quo of 66 CE  and a terminus ad quem of 68 CE.  It must be stressed, once again, that the data are slim, and this date is only suggestive.
D. Theme
Believers are warned to exercise discernment and not to invest in the work of heretical propagandists by showing them hospitality. Put briefly, “Warning: Do not house false teachers.”
II. Argument
In greeting a well-known church in Asia Minor which is under his care, the “old man” (John the apostle) commends it for its commitment to the truth of the gospel (1-3).
John begins the body of this brief letter by commending and encouraging the church in their love for one another which is to be in accord with the truth of the gospel (4-6). He tactfully combines truth and love here in order to lay the groundwork for the believers’ attitude toward heresy. In these verses the old man gives the positive side of the coin: there can be no divine love apart from truth.
Then the apostle presents the negative side: we must not extend our love to those who reject the truth. He first warns believers that certain heretics who deny the incarnation are infiltrating the churches (7). These are deceivers and antichrists. Then John warns the church not to lose the reward for which they have faithfully worked (8). This loss of reward could either be due to doubt or, as vv 10-11 will make clear, to extending love beyond the bounds of truth. the author makes it clear that the deceivers not only have no reward; they also do not have salvation (9). But loss of salvation is not at stake for the “elect” (v 8 gives the only warning directly addressed to the “elect lady”; all else is in the third person). But because these heretics have abandoned the truth about Christ’s humanity, the church must not help them in their heretical propaganda. The church must not show them hospitality, the net effect of which would be to give them a platform for their error (10-11). By extending love beyond the bounds of truth in this way believers would be in jeopardy of losing the reward for their faithfulness.
The “old man” concludes his letter with an implicit recognition of the inadequacy of letters (as opposed to a personal visit). He apologizes for the brevity of the letter, noting that what he needs to add will be said in person (12). The letter is concluded with a greeting from another local church, perhaps the one at Ephesus (13).
III. Outline
I. Salutation (1-3)
II. Maintaining the Truth in Love (4-11)
A. Practicing the Truth (4-6)
B. Protecting the Truth (7-11)
1. Guarding against Doubt and Defeat (7-8)
2. Guarding against Defection and Defectors (9-11)
III. Final Greetings (12-13)

3 JOHN


3 JOHN:
Introduction, Argument, and Outline
Daniel B. Wallace 
September 2001
I. Introduction 
A. Author
It should not be surprising that 3 John has little external attestation in light of its brevity and lack of quotable material. “It is not certain that any evidence for it can be cited before the third century…”  Yet, since the author identifies himself as “the elder” and since its opening, closing, style, and outlook are so similar to 2 John, there can be little doubt that the same author wrote both letters. If this same author wrote 1 John and the Gospel of John, as we have argued, then there is a strong probability that it is none other than John the apostle.
B. Date
It is probable that both 2 John and 3 John were written and sent out at the same time, due in large measure to the remarkable stylistic similarities. The date of this epistle cannot be treated in isolation—for, if it were, virtually any date could conceivably be posited! Once common authorship for all three epistles is assumed, as well as for the Fourth Gospel, then we can see that a date for 3 John “piggy-backs” on other considerations. As we have argued at some length in our discussion of the Gospel and first epistle, these documents were written in the 60s. We would tentatively say that 3 John, if written at the same time as 2 John, was written c. 66-67 CE.
C. Destination
The letter is addressed to one Gaius. The Greek name—as well as the Greek names of Diotrephes and Demetrius mentioned in the letter—suggest that this letter was addressed to a Gentile Christian. He would have been a member in one of the churches of Asia Minor which John had adopted as his own after the death of Paul.
D. Occasion
Gaius had shown hospitality to itinerant preachers of the gospel, even though such men were strangers to him (vv. 5-7). A certain Diotrephes had apparently stopped the brothers from showing hospitality to these preachers and in fact had booted them out of the church (vv. 9-10). John had written to the church about Diotrephes, but he either did not allow the letter to get read publicly or repudiated John’s authority. John is therefore sending Demetrius to the church (v. 12). He is apparently to stay with Gaius. 3 John functions as a cover letter for him.
In understanding this occasion, two negative statements must be made: (1) The occasion for 3 John does not at all seem to be an issue of heresy, but one of pride. There is no real evidence that Diotrephes was a heretic. (2) Although some have suggested that Gaius belonged to another church,  the simple statement in v. 9, “I wrote to the church,” seems to indicate that the same church is in view.
One of the issues rarely raised is why Diotrephes would dispute John’s authority. One possibility is that he recognized the authority of no apostle. But another possibility is that he disputed John’s authority. Perhaps—and this is only a suggestion—he had recognized Paul’s authority, but no other apostle’s. Thus, the problem would crop up after Paul’s death.  Too much could be made of this, of course, but in the least one ought to recognize that the apostles were not universally recognized and respected in their lifetimes.
E. Theme
Show hospitality to the messengers of the truth.
II. Argument
The “old man” greets Gaius, a man who has grown in the faith through the apostle’s ministry. He wishes him good health for his body just as his soul already enjoys (1-2).
The body of the letter begins as 2 John did: with a commendation and encouragement of the recipient (3-4) for his faithfulness to the truth. Specifically, Gaius is commended for showing hospitality to itinerant preachers of the gospel, even though such men were strangers to him (5-7). The necessity of Gaius’ action is seen in these preachers’ commitment not to seek aid from unbelievers (7).
Gaius’ positive response is contrasted with Diotrephes’ reaction. John is writing to Gaius to warn him about Diotrephes, for Diotrephes had apparently stopped other church members from showing hospitality to these preachers and in fact had booted them out of the church (9-10). John, in fact, had written once before to the church, but Diotrephes either did not allow the letter to get read publicly or else he repudiated John’s authority. His own pride and arrogance was the motivation for such actions (9-10).
Because  of Diotrephes’ actions, John is sending Demetrius to the church by way of Gaius. In hopes that Gaius has not fallen prey to Diotrephes’ influence, John once again reminds him of what is right, expecting him to receive Demetrius and the letter he bears (12).
The apostle concludes his letter as he had 2 John, viz., with an implicit recognition of the inadequacy of letters (as opposed to a personal visit). He apologizes for the brevity of the letter, noting that what he needs to add will be said in person. The letter is concluded with a greeting from the believers with John, probably the church at Ephesus (13-14).
III. Outline
I. Salutation (1-2)
II. Body of the Letter (3-12)
A. Commendation of Gaius (3-8)
1. Gaius’ Faithfulness (3-4)
2. Gaius’ Hospitality (5-8)
B. Condemnation of Diotrephes (9-10)
C. Recommendation of Demetrius (11-12)
III. Final Greetings (13-14)

JUDE


Jude: 
Introduction, Argument, and Outline
Daniel B. Wallace, Ph.D.
Professor of New Testament Studies,
Dallas Theological Seminary
Introduction
A. The Author
Verse 1 introduces the author as “Jude, a servant of Jesus Christ and a brother of James.” There are essentially two problems with authorship: (1) which Jude is meant? and (2) is the work really by some Jude, or is it pseudepigraphical?
1. External Evidence
In spite of its brevity, Jude has fairly decent attestation in patristic literature. There are possible allusions to it in Clement of Rome, Shepherd of Hermas, Barnabas, and Didache, and probable allusions in Polycarp. The Muratorian Canon mentions it, as does Clement of Alexandria. Tertullian comments on its use of 1 Enoch, Origen speaks of the doubts of some, Didymus the Blind defended its authenticity, and Eusebius classified it with the Antilegomena. It is really only as time progressed that doubts about its authenticity/canonicity became articulated, principally because of the use of apocryphal material in this little work.
It should be noted, in passing, that Jude did not become part of the Syrian canon until the sixth century—a fact which should help us at least to eliminate one possibility for its destination.
2. Internal Evidence
Most scholars accept Jude as both authentic and written by Jude, the brother of Jesus. There is a growing number today, however, who regard it as pseudepigraphical (including Barnett, Reicke, Kelly), principally because there are internal features which suggest a date after the death of Jude. But not only is the evidence for a late date by no means compelling (see discussion under “Date”), but there is a major hurdle for the pseudepigraphical hypothesis to overcome: Why would anyone use the obscure name “Jude” unless this were a genuine work? To make matters worse, he does not identify himself as “Jude, the brother of the Lord.” Such a designation would at least elevate Jude by virtue of his relation to Jesus. Consequently, a pseudepigraphical piece is almost ruled out “since in such writings one of the major factors was attribution to an already well-known name.”
Assuming that “Jude” is an authentic appellation, which Jude is in mind? Apart from the Lord’s brother, only two other candidates have any degree of plausibility. The first is Jude the apostle, son of James (Luke 6:16; Acts 1:13). If so, one of two texts needs to be reread: Either Jude 1 should be changed or Luke 6:16/Acts 1:13 should be reinterpreted. Some have suggested that ajdelfov" in Jude 1 is an interpolation; hence, “Jude [the son] of James.” Against this is the total lack of textual support  and the fact that Jude was accepted in the early church so readily, suggesting that at least James was well-known.  The other possibility is to read jIouvda" jIakwvbou in Luke 6:16/Acts 1:13 as “Jude [the brother] of James” rather than “Jude [the son] of James.” Not only is this a rather unusual reading of the genitive of relationship (which almost always indicates paternity), but the fact that Jude does not call himself an apostle in this letter renders this view implausible.
The second alternative is to see Jude as the second-century bishop of Jerusalem (so Grotius). “This necessitates treating the words ‘brother of James’ as equivalent to an episcopal title at Jerusalem. But there are no parallels to support this view.”  Not only this, but the external evidence is too strong and too early to allow such an identification.
Finally, Jude, the brother of the Lord, may be in view. The strongest reason on behalf of this view is that Jude identifies himself as “the brother of James.” A well-known James is presupposed. The only one to fit the bill is James, the brother of the Lord.
There are really only two problems (of any substance) with this identification. First, why does Jude call himself “the brother of James” rather than “the brother of Jesus”? As Bauckham points out, “Palestinian Jewish-Christian circles in the early church used the title ‘brother of the Lord’ not simply to identify the brothers, but as ascribing to them an authoritative status, and therefore the brothers themselves, not wishing to claim an authority based on mere blood-relationship to Jesus, avoided the term.”  Such restraint would especially be appropriate if one were writing to Gentiles,  for Gentilic entrance into a covenant relationship with Israel’s God was now, for the first time, not based on proselytization (in which circumcision would be required), but simply faith. Thus, the very self-identification which opens this epistle not only indicates humility on Jude’s part, but also speaks of authenticity.
Second, the major difficulty in attributing this letter to the brother of the Lord is that the Greek is quite good—perhaps too good for a Galilean peasant.  Although we have dealt at some length with the probable bilingualism of first century CE Palestine,  as well as the possibility of an amanuensis reshaping the thoughts of an author, one point is significant here. Jude’s mastery of Greek is more related to his vocabulary than his syntax. “A wide vocabulary, which Jude has, is easier to acquire than a skill in literary style, where Jude’s competence is less remarkable.”  Consequently, this cannot be considered a decisive argument against authenticity.
In conclusion, there is no reasonable doubt that Jude, the brother of the Lord, was the author of this epistle.
B. Date
“The fact that the suggestions of scholars regarding the date of writing vary between AD 60 and 140 is a sufficient reminder that much of the so-called evidence on this subject amounts to little more than guesses.”  There are a number of issues relevant to the date of this epistle, such as the relation of Jude to 2 Peter, the question of authenticity, and the false teachers in view. What one decides about these questions has a direct bearing on the date of this epistle. There are other issues as well, which may indeed help to pinpoint the date more precisely.
The three main dates proposed for Jude are: (1) sometime during the apostolic age (c. 50s-60s), (2) the latter part of the first century, and (3) the first half (usually the first two decades) of the second century.
1. Apostolic Age
This view assumes authenticity and that Jude was the brother of the Lord. It also normally assumes the priority of Jude aver 2 Peter and inauthenticity for the latter. In its behalf is the probability that Jude did not live much past 70 CE. This is based on two inferences: (1) Jude was a younger brother of Jesus, rather than an older brother by a previous marriage of Joseph. If so, and this is the most probable reading of Matt 13:55/Mark 6:3, then Jude would probably have been born sometime between 4 BCE and 10 CE. If he were to write in 70 CE, he would be at least 60 years old and perhaps in his 70s. Though it is of course conceivable that Jude lived much longer than that (our external evidence is almost nil), the 70s CE is a fairly reasonable terminus ad quem. (2) Hegesippus  relates how Jude’s grandsons were brought before Domitian because they were suspected of attempting to overthrow the Roman government. But they explained that the kingdom for which they were awaiting was eschatological and heavenly in nature, not political and earthly. Domitian then dismissed them and put an end to the persecution of the church. Though much in this story is quite suspect,  the fact that Jude’s grandsons—rather than their father or Jude himself—were brought before Domitian suggests at least that Jude had died by c. 96 CE. But such an upper limit is already anticipated in our first consideration, the time of Jude’s birth. At most we could say that Jude must have died sometime before 96 CE, and probably in the 70s.
There are a number of arguments against such an early date which we will investigate under the other two time periods. One consideration that must be kept in mind, however, is that if Jude is prior to 2 Peter and if Jude is dated c. 65 CE, then 2 Peter must be pseudepigraphical. Yet, if our conclusions that 2 Peter is authentic are correct, then Jude must be fairly early (e.g., 50s), or fairly late (sometime after Peter died), depending on who borrowed from whom.
2. First Half of Second Century  
Two arguments are used for this date: (1) references in Jude (vv 3, 17) which seem to indicate that the apostolic age had now passed, and (2) the identification of the false teachers with Gnosticism. This first consideration we will take up in the next section since it does not at all presuppose a date in the second century, only that the apostles had died. Concerning the second argument, Bauckham points out that “they cannot be called Gnostics. What is missing from their teaching is the cosmological dualism of true Gnosticism… . In the absence of cosmological dualism, it is misleading even to call their teaching ‘incipient Gnosticism.’ … If [Jude’s] polemic is really aimed against Gnosticism it is singularly inept.”
There are two other arguments against such a late date, as we have argued under authorship.  (1) If this were a pseudepigraphical work (which most late-date advocates hold), why the name Jude? (2) How can the early external attestation of this epistle be explained if the document did not come into existence until the second century?
This leaves us with either a date within the apostolic age or the latter part of the first century. Not only are there arguments against a date within the apostolic age, but there are a number of arguments on behalf of a later date, even assuming authenticity.
3. Latter Part of First Century
Dates suggested within this range are anywhere from 65 CE to 95 CE. Normally a date of c. 70-80 CE is most common. Though most scholars who date Jude to the later first century assume Judan priority over 2 Peter, this is not at all necessary. In fact, for those who hold that 2 Peter is authentic, a date for Jude in this time frame necessitates Petrine priority. It is our conviction that Jude should be dated in this period and that 2 Peter was written first, thought the date for Jude can be established fairly well on other grounds.
There is one very strong argument that is used for a date later than the apostolic age,  though still within Jude’s lifetime: the references within Jude which suggest that the apostles had died. Although some scholars downplay the evidence,  a reasonable reading  of Jude suggests that the apostles with whom he normally associated had died. In fact, in our discussion of the occasion of this letter, the references to an age now past should make perfectly good sense. For now, note the following references:
Verse 3—“the faith once for all delivered to the saints.” Bauckham says this refers simply to the gospel itself, arguing that “this is exactly the tactic which Paul used against false teaching (Gal 1:6-9; Rom 16:17).”  What he does not explain is why Jude mentions “once for all delivered” (a point absent in the parallels). This sounds suspiciously as though the age of the apostles were past, for only if they were now dead could their written ministries take on such a final note. Most commentators take this verse to be a reference to a fixed body of orthodox belief. There is a great deal of truth in this—and it is not insignificant that such a view well fits into a date within the lifetime of Jude, though after Paul and Peter had died.
Verses 17-18a—“Remember the predictions of the apostles of our Lord Jesus Christ, for they said to you … ” Regarding this text, Bauckham asserts that “it is not the apostles themselves, but their missionary activity in founding these particular churches, which belongs in the past.”  He goes on to draw a parallel with Paul’s writings, in which he confesses that there is a difference: “Jude’s statement is exactly parallel to many of Paul’s in which he refers his readers back to teaching he gave them when he founded their church … , with the one difference that, since Jude was evidently not one of the founding missionaries of the church(es) to which he writes, he speaks of the apostles’ teaching rather than his own.”  But this difference is precisely why it is difficult to accept this statement as coming while the apostles were still alive. Why would Jude write to this audience if the apostles were still around to minister to them?
It is our contention that Jude can be dated c. 65-80 CE. Furthermore, we would tentatively like to propose a date of c. 66-67 (with a greater probability for 66) for the following reasons:
(1) There is the strong probability that Jude used 2 Peter rather than vice versa (see following section for discussion). Assuming this to be true, if 2 Peter is authentic, and if Jude is authentic, then the parameters are indeed c. 65-80.
(2) Verse 18a does indicate, taken at face value, that Jude cannot have written long after the death of the apostles, for the apostles wrote “to you.” This implies that many, if not most, of the original converts are still alive. This would tend to put the date earlier rather than later, but still after 64 CE (the date of Peter’s death).
(3) Although v 3 hints at early catholicism, particularly if read as a statement about creedalism, this does not need to have come several decades after Peter’s death. If this epistle is picking up the ball (so to speak) where Peter left off —that is, if it is attempting to make sure Paul’s churches knew they were not abandoned—Jude would be quite eager to emphasize the common elements between Paul’s Christianity and that of the other apostles. This would be particularly appropriate very soon after Peter’s death, for there would still be a perception that Paul’s churches might defect (or in the least that they needed special encouragement). In this reconstruction of the purpose for this epistle, “our common salvation” in v 3 is a subtle reminder that Paul’s expression of the faith was legitimate.  This may well argue for a date shortly after Peter’s death, even within weeks. However, there are two other considerations which would tend to date it a bit later.
(4) Once it was known that false teachers had actually crept into the church(es)—something only anticipated in 2 Peter—Jude altered the purpose of his letter, making it now an appeal for his audience “to contend for the faith that was delivered to the saints once for all.” The potential danger had become real. But once again, appeal is made to the common ground (“the faith”) that all the apostles shared. Some amount of time must be allowed for both the invasion of the false teachers after Peter wrote his epistle and for Jude to have learned about it. Not much time is needed, however, for Jude seems to indicate that this is a very recent development.
(5) Assuming that Jude used 2 Peter—and that in some way he wanted to indicate that the present false teachers were predicted by Peter,  it is most curious that their denial of the second coming of Christ is not mentioned in Jude. The reason for this would most naturally be that the present false teachers only partially fulfilled Peter’s prophecy. That is to say, they did not deny the second coming of Christ, but they were licentious. If this were the case, what period in nascent Christianity would best fit such a characterization? The answer is quite simple: during the war between Jerusalem and Rome (66-70). Early Christian expectation would certainly be that once some of the events of the Olivet Discourse began to unfold, the Lord’s return would take place.  Indeed, it was only after 70 CE—and after Jesus did not return—that we have any record of denial about the second coming. A false teacher would only show himself to be a fool if he were to deny the second advent while this great war was taking place.
(6) Even though there is no hint of the false teachers denying the second coming in this epistle, there is an eschatological urgency throughout the letter. This is seen in the apocalyptic imagery, as well as in specific utterances. Such urgency would be spawned both by a sense that the Lord’s return was at hand and by the sudden rise of false teachers who would do what they could, if possible, to deceive even the elect. In v 5, in fact, Jude may be referring to the rapture, for he argues that first God saved his people from Egypt, then afterward (toV deuvteron) he destroyed the unbelievers. The eschatological urgency is also seen in v 18 (for Jude says that “the last time” is taking place right now) and v 21 (“wait for the mercy of our Lord Jesus Christ”). Beside this there is the general eschatological note of eternal condemnation of the wicked, and eternal life of the righteous seen throughout. All this would fit well within a period during the Jewish War.
Finally, it is our tentative vie that this epistle was sent to a Gentile church on the coast of Asia Minor.  Ephesus is the most likely candidate. If so, and if John took up residence there (c. 65 CE), then Jude more than likely did not know that John was there, otherwise he would feel no need to write this letter. This argues that the letter probably was not written very much after the beginning of the Jewish War, 67 CE probably being the outside limit.
In sum, these considerations argue that Jude wanted to write very soon after Peter died, but did not accomplish the task until false teachers had infiltrated the church and after the Jewish War began. Further, if our suggestion as to destination is correct, then Jude would not have written if he had known that John had recently arrived in Ephesus. 66 CE, therefore, seems to be the most probable date. It is possible to be too dogmatic on such slim evidence. It must be reiterated, therefore, that our dating of this letter at 66 (-67) is quite tentative. Many unseen factors could overturn it.
C. Relation to 2 Peter
1. Arguments for Priority of Jude
The primary reason scholars hold the priority of Jude, it seems, is that they view 2 Peter as pseudepigraphical. But if there are good reasons for the authenticity of 2 Peter (as we believe we have demonstrated), then the question of priority resurfaces.
Bauckham, who shows a remarkable balance in his treatment of these letters, gives a second argument for Jude’s priority: “The most important literary reason for preferring 2 Peter’s dependence on Jude to the opposite hypothesis is that … Jude 4-18 [is] a piece of writing whose detailed structure and wording has been composed with exquisite care, whereas the corresponding parts of 2 Peter, while by no means carelessly composed, are by comparison more loosely structured … It is much more difficult to imagine Jude constructing his elaborate midrash with 2 Pet 2 before him.”  The problem with this literary argument is precisely that where one would expect to find analogies, he finds them for the opposite conclusion. For example, concerning the Synoptic problem, virtually all scholars would agree that Luke at least used one of the other Gospels. If he used Mark, as most scholars believe, it is significant that not only does Luke “clean up” the grammar of Mark, but he also has his own tightly woven structure.  This is precisely what we see in the relation between 2 Peter and Jude: not only is the Greek better in Jude,  but the structure is tighter. Thus, although presupposition may be on Bauckham’s side (though this is doubtful), real evidence is decidedly against him.
There is one further argument often employed for priority of Jude: Why would Jude even bother to write his epistle if the bulk of it were already contained in 2 Peter? This especially would seem to have force if the audience were the same in both cases (a view we adopt). But such a view loses much of its force since “the most important part of Jude, which fulfills the author’s main purpose in writing, is the appeal (vv 20-23).”  Since these verses are not part of the common material, and yet are the crescendo to which the epistle is building, this argument cannot be given much weight.
Altogether, the case for priority of Jude rests primarily on presuppositions about 2 Peter’s inauthenticity. If, however, 2 Peter is authentic, then the literary dependence may be flowing in the opposite direction. What clues are there that this is the case?
2. Arguments for Priority of 2 Peter
In addition to the counter-arguments mentioned above, four positive arguments can be brought forth for the priority of 2 Peter.
First, Jude’s grammar and style are much better than are 2 Peter’s. On the analogy of Markan priority,  this would argue strongly for the priority of 2 Peter.
Second, 2 Peter speaks of the false teachers as yet to come,  and Jude speaks of them as having recently infiltrated the church. If 2 Peter and Jude were both written to approximately the same audiences, this argues quite strongly for the priority of 2 Peter.
Third, in Jude 3, as we have argued, the age of the apostles had ended. This could only be true after the death of Peter.
Fourth, v 17 yields three clues concerning the literary relationship of these two letters:
(a) Jude seems to be saying that his audience ought to recall what Peter (and Paul and his associates) had said to them regarding the rise of false prophets. Again, here it should be noticed that the verse is almost identical to 2 Pet 3:2, though Peter is speaking about what would come while Jude is saying that the prophecy was fulfilled.
(b) Again, as in v 3, v 17 seems to indicate that the age of the apostles was past.
(c) Finally, although Jude 17 and 2 Pet 3:2 are almost identical in wording, there are significant differences:
2 Peter 3:2—“you should remember the predictions of the holy prophets and the commandments of the Lord and Savior through your apostles” (RSV)
Jude 17—“Remember the predictions of the apostles of our Lord Jesus Christ” (RSV)
What shows very clearly the literary connection between these two texts is not only the general thought, but some key terms and expressions, for example:
mnhsqh'nai tw'n proeirhme'nwn rJhmavtwn (Peter);
mnhvsqhte tw'n rJhmavtwn tw'n proeirhmevnwn (Jude)
There are two major differences, however: (1) 2 Peter speaks of “your apostles” while Jude speaks of “the apostles”; (2) 2 Peter reminds his audience of what the prophets and apostles said while Jude merely mentions apostles. As we have argued in our discussion of 2 Peter, “your apostles” probably refers to Paul and his associates. Peter’s point was to show not only that Paul was a genuine spokesman for God, but also that his message was in line with the OT prophets. Jude, however, drops the mention of the prophets, and makes the apostles more absolute. If anything, this suggests that Jude was written later and depended on 2 Peter. (He might not have personalized the apostles because now such a group would include Peter and Peter was not, technically, one of “your apostles”). It is quite inexplicable for the author of 2 Peter, reading Jude, to add prophets and personalize the apostles, while it is perfectly clear why an author, after the age of the apostles had ended, spoke of them in more absolute terms and quietly dropped mention of prophets since that did not suit his purpose.  In light of this parallel between the two epistles, it is rather surprising to read Bauckham’s comment that “there is no convincing case of allusion to a written Christian source [in Jude] … ”
In sum, apart from a presupposition of inauthenticity for 2 Peter, there is every reason to believe that Jude used 2 Peter rather than vice versa.
C. Place of Writing
There is really no internal clue given as to the place of writing. However, there may be external clues which at least can narrow it down some. It must be admitted that much of this is speculative, based on our very tentative reconstruction of the occasion and destination.
First, Jude is aware of Peter’s death (in Rome), but not of John’s recent trek to Ephesus. If John came from Palestine (probably Jerusalem) to Ephesus in c. 65 CE, it is doubtful that Jude was there at the time. But it is not at all necessary for him to have been in Rome, for the news of Peter’s death would certainly spread quicker than the news of John’s departure for Ephesus.
Second, even though it is not necessary for Jude to have been in Rome in order to know of Peter’s death, he would in all likelihood have to have been close either to Rome or to Asia Minor in order to know the contents of 2 Peter as soon as he did.
Third, in order for Jude to be able to know about the rise of false teachers in Asia Minor, yet not know about John’s departure for Ephesus, he either had to be in Asia Minor or else be in a place where communication with Asia Minor was excellent.
Fourth, if Hegesippus’ account of Jude’s grandsons has even the smallest element of truth in it, this suggests that Jude’s grandsons lived in or near Rome in the 90s CE. This, of course, does not necessarily indicate Jude’s domicile, but it is suggestive.
Fifth, Jude was an itinerant preacher (1 Cor 9:5), which at least indicated that he traveled beyond Jerusalem. At the same time, Jude probably did his work among Jewish Christians. This is based on the fact that (a) his brother James wrote to Jewish Christians; (b) most of the apostles apparently worked among Jewish Christians, with Peter being the main “apostle to the circumcision”; (c) in our reconstruction, this epistle is written to one (or more) of Paul’s churches, yet it is written precisely because Jude wants to show the common elements (v 3) in their faith; (d) the utterly Jewish nature of the epistle, in spite of its good Greek, also argues this. What this suggests is that Jude may well have spent most of his time in Palestine, or perhaps among the diaspora Jewish Christians.
Sixth, since this is a letter, Jude was not in the place where the letter was sent. In our view, therefore, he was not in Asia Minor.
Seventh, the Syrian church did not accept Jude as canonical until the sixth century, suggesting that his labors were not there.
Putting all this rather scanty evidence together, we suggest that Jude was probably outside of Palestine (for he could not have been in Syria or Jerusalem), laboring among Jewish Christians of the diaspora. Rome, or at least Italy, seems to be as likely a place as any for the place of composition.
D. Addressees/Audience
There are two principal questions which must be resolved concerning the audience: (1) What is their racial mixture? and (2) Where did they reside? It is our contention that they were primarily Gentile Christians and that they lived in Ephesus. But once again, the evidence is scanty and no dogmatic statements can be made from it.
1. Gentile Christians
Most scholars regard Jude to have been addressed to Jewish Christians. There are two reasons normally given: “It is natural to think of predominantly Jewish Christian churches, both because they evidently come within the area of Jude’s pastoral concern and responsibility, and also because of the high degree of familiarity with Jewish literature and traditions which Jude’s allusions presuppose.”
This double argument, however, seems faulty: (1) If our reconstruction is correct (viz., that Jude is writing to Pauline churches to make sure they do not feel abandoned and to emphasize the common elements between the Jewish and Gentile expressions of the faith) then the first argument carries no weight. Indeed, if Jude used 2 Peter, then vv 17-18a (“the apostles …said to you”) most likely are addressing the same audience that 2 Peter addresses. As we argued in 1-2 Peter, that audience was at least Gentile, and probably Paul’s churches in Asia Minor.
(2) Even those who employ the second argument recognize its inherent weakness: “The latter is not necessarily a decisive argument, since such Jewish material was no doubt used in the instruction of Gentile converts and since a writer does not always tailor his allusions to the knowledge of his readers.”
In support of a Gentile Christian community are the following arguments.
First, the false teachers were antinomian. “None of their characteristics is prominent, if found at all, in Jewish Christianity.”  Though most recognize that the antinomianism of the false teachers points to their Gentile origin, they argue that this would not necessarily mean that the church was of Gentile origin. But this is hardly convincing, for how could antinomian Gentiles infiltrate into a Jewish Christian congregation so quickly? There are many ‘reverse’ parallels in the NT: Judaizers infiltrating predominantly Gentile congregations—a phenomenon which is completely understandable (since legalism is endemic to human nature). But is there any evidence of Gentiles infiltrating Jewish congregations? This double fact—the antinomian false teachers and their sudden impact on the church—argues quite strongly for a predominantly Gentile audience.
Second, v 3 mentions “our common salvation,” an expression which (as we argued earlier and as Chase, Mayor, et al. make a strong case for) seems to unite Jew and Gentile.
Third, most scholars recognize some literary points of contact with Paul, though they do not give any reason for such (note especially the verbiage in vv 1-2, 20, 25).  We have seen this pattern before, in 1 Peter. Perhaps Jude is attempting, to some degree, to have the same effect on his audience, viz., the deja vu connection with Paul would warm their hearts toward Jude.
Fourth, if our reconstruction of the occasion is correct, a predominantly Gentile church would indeed be in view. But we must not let the tail wag the dog: the evidence for a Gentile destination is quite solid on other grounds.
2. Ephesus
The specific destination of this epistle has been up for grabs among scholars. Some have suggested Syria, others Egypt, still others, Asia Minor. Syria is in all probability not correct simply because this epistle was not accepted into the Syriac canon until the sixth century. Egypt has nothing specific to commend it (except its early acceptance in patristic literature), and quite a bit against it: in particular, which apostles wrote to the Egyptians (vv 17-18a)?  Bauckham argues that Asia Minor “with its large Jewish communities, the influence of Paul, and antinomian movements attested by Rev 2:14, 20, is a strong possibility, and the contacts between Jude and the Martyrdom of Polycarp … could point in this direction.”  We believe that he is moving in the right direction, but many more arguments can be given. Further, since this letter is most likely intended (primarily) for a specific church, rather than as a circular letter,  there may be some clues as to which one. It is our intention first to establish Asia Minor as the general destination, then Ephesus as the specific destination.
First, if our argument about the racial nature of the church holds up, then neither Palestine nor Syria would fit.
Second, if Jude used 2 Peter, then Jude 17 relates to Paul’s personal missionary work among the readers and Peter’s written ministry. Since they “spoke to you,” the readers are largely the same as that for 2 Peter. We have argued that 2 Peter’s readers were in Asia Minor. Indeed, if Jude is carrying on where Peter left off, and is trying to remind his audience that Peter had foretold the rise of false prophets to these people, then Asia Minor is quite certain as the destination.
Third, as we have already suggested, Jude must have been in a place to get information quickly from this church, for he interrupted his original purpose for writing when the sudden crisis of the false teachers was revealed. In the least, this suggests that there must have been good lines of communication between his locale and that of the church. A sea route, from Rome to Ephesus, would fit this need quite well.
Fourth, Ephesus had been the hub of Paul’s activity—so much so that this is where John went to minister to pick up where Paul had left off. Consequently, if Asia Minor is the destination, the most strategic church here would be the one in Ephesus.
Finally, there are three nautical analogies used in Jude 12-13 which have no parallel in 2 Peter. Since Jude, in all likelihood, was not a fisherman, and since this material is not found in his source, it seems that he added the analogies for the sake of his readers.  In v 12 Jude speaks of false teachers as “[dangerous] reefs at your love-feasts.”  This is the first metaphor Jude uses to describe the false teachers. The imagery is that of danger lurking beneath the surface, able to sink ships which are presumed to be in safe waters. In v 13 he speaks of “wild waves of the sea, casting up the foam of their own shame,” a vivid picture of the filth that they bring with them. The final image is that of “wandering stars,” suggesting that they are unreliable guides to sailors who depend on the sure guidance that the stars provide. Thus the false teachers are seen in these pictures to be dangerous, immoral (filthy), and untrustworthy as leaders. Two comments should be made about these nautical illustrations: (1) Although it is possible to find Jewish parallels/sources for the second and third, they are not very convincing. Further, no Jewish parallels have been put forth for the first analogy. (2) It is true that Jude also uses agricultural imagery throughout this epistle, but most of this is already found in 2 Peter, would be common to his own background, and does have excellent parallels in the OT and other Jewish materials. These two considerations seem to support the conclusion that Jude has gone out of his way to introduce this nautical imagery. The best explanation for this is that he is writing to a church on the coast of the Mediterranean Sea. Once again, Ephesus seems to be the most likely candidate.
In conclusion, though much of our argumentation in this section is highly speculative, if all the pieces of the puzzle of Jude (e.g., date, authorship, occasion, etc.) fit together as we have suggested they do, then a destination to Paul’s church(es) in Ephesus becomes increasingly probable. In the least, this is a falsifiable hypothesis which should hopefully stimulate others to probe some of the introductory questions related to the most neglected book of the NT canon.
F. Occasion/Purpose
Since we have argued passim at length for a particular occasion for this epistle (especially under date and destination), a summary will be given here. The occasion, on our reading of the text, can be seen fairly clearly in v 3 alone.
1. Jude originally intended to write to the church at Ephesus to encourage the saints there to continue in the faith. His goal seemed to have been to make sure that they were not discouraged in light of the recent deaths of Paul and Peter.  That this objective was not entirely snuffed out due to the more pressing concern of the false teachers is apparent from his benediction (vv 24-25). Further, Jude also wanted to make sure that the church would stay grounded in the apostles’ teaching (“our common faith”). This goal also was woven into the fabric of the letter which he now found was necessary to write.
2. The original purpose for writing was altered when news of false teachers infiltrating into the church at Ephesus reached Jude. The tone of the letter probably changed because of this as well. Jude’s purpose now was to “appeal to you to contend for the faith which was once for all delivered to the saints” (v 3) because false teachers had crept into the church (v 4), just as Peter (and Paul) had predicted they would (v 17). The fact that Jude speaks so decisively as he does about the finalized form of the faith (vv 3, 5, 17) is therefore due to his desire that the church use the writings of Peter and Paul to discern the ungodliness of the false teachers. Although these statements would normally indicate a time much later than the age of the apostles, if Jude knew of their deaths, and if he wanted to make sure his audience knew that Peter and Paul were united in their doctrine, such language would be especially appropriate.
G. Theme
The theme is co-extensive with the purpose: “Contend for the faith which was once for all delivered to the saints” (v 3).

Jude:
Argument
Jude opens his letter by greeting his audience with three indicatives of the faith: they have been “called,” “loved,” and “kept” (1). This word of perseverance sets the tone for the whole epistle and concludes it as well.
Jude began to write to these believers something of a treatise on soteriology, probably as a reminder that the gospel as they learned it from Paul was the true gospel—hence, “our common salvation” (3). But news of heretics infiltrating the church changed his plans: he now wrote to them, appealing to them to stand their ground and fight for the faith they had learned (3-4). These heretics who now threatened them were antinomian, abusing God’s grace (4).
Jude links vv 3-4 with 5-7 by pointing out that this kind of false teacher was not new; his character was exposed and condemned in the OT. Three examples are given: unbelieving Israel who doubted God’s promise to bring them into Canaan (5), angels who disobeyed God and are now kept in darkness (6), and the citizens of Sodom and Gomorrah who engaged in sexual immorality (7).
The false teachers Jude is dealing with act “in the very same way” (8). The implication is that they deserve the same fate. Their rejection of authority and slanderous speech is contrasted with Michael, one of the archangels, who would not even slander the devil (presumably because of his former authority) (8-9). Yet these false teachers slander all authority, revealing their lack of understanding and triggering the natural consequences which “are the very things that destroy them” (10).
Once again, Jude links them to the OT: they are like Cain in his selfishness and hatred of authority, Balaam in his greed, and Korah in his rebellious spirit (11). “Woe to them!” is a pronouncement that their fate is the same, too.
In vv 12-13 Jude now switches from OT imagery to present analogies—analogies which may well be more understandable to this Gentile audience. In v 12 he speaks of the false teachers as “reefs at your love-feasts.” This is the first metaphor Jude uses to describe the false teachers. The imagery is that of danger lurking beneath the surface, able to sink ships which are presumed to be in safe waters. They are “shepherds” (implying their leadership in the church), yet they feed only themselves. They are waterless clouds who promise satisfaction of one’s spiritual thirst, but in reality are barren. Like uprooted trees, they are dead, neither bearing fruit nor having any stability.
In v. 13 Jude calls them “wild waves of the sea, casting up the foam of their own shame,” a vivid picture of the filth that they bring with them. Finally, they are “wandering stars,” which suggests that they are unreliable guides. Thus these false teachers are exposed as dangerous, immoral, empty, and untrustworthy.
Having described these heretics in terms clear to his audience, Jude now addresses their fate (14-19). First, Enoch predicted that the day would come when the ungodly would be judged (14-16).Much more recently, Paul and Peter had even written to these believers, prophesying of such men (17-19). Jude now reminds them of the apostolic writing as an implicit commendation of Paul’s gospel and therefore of his apostleship and authority. Further, he speaks decisively about the finalized form of the faith (17; cf. also 3, 5) because he wants the church to use the writings of Paul and Peter to combat the ungodliness of the false teachers. Thus the body of the letter begins and ends with an appeal to contend for the faith handed down once for all to the saints.
Jude now returns to the positive note with which he began his letter, reminding the church to continue in faith, love, and mercy (20-21). Regarding mercy, Jude gives final instructions on how and to whom one should show it (22-23).
The epistle concludes with a doxology with the emphasis on God’s perseverance once again, displaying Jude’s confidence that God “is able to keep you from falling” (24-25).

Jude:
Outline
I. Salutation (1-2)
II. The Occasion for Writing (3-4)
A. The Change of Subject: From Common Salvation to Contending for the Faith (3)
B. The Reason for the Change: The Infiltration of Ungodly Antinomians (4)
III. The Judgment of the Ungodly (5-19)
A. Precedent: God’s Judgment of the Ungodly in the Old Testament (5-7)
1. Unbelieving Israel (5)
2. Fallen Angels (6)
3. Sodom and Gomorrah (7)
B. Parallel: Character of the Present Ungodly is the Same (8-13)
1. Their Slanderous Speech Exposed (8-10)
2. Their Ungodly Character Portrayed (11-13)
C. Prophecy: The Destruction of the Ungodly is Sure (14-19)
1. The Prophecy of Enoch (14-16)
2. The Prophecy of the Apostles (17-19)
IV. The Exhortation to Believers (20-23)
A. A Call to Persevere (20-21)
B. A Call to Show Mercy (22-23)
V. Doxology (24-25)

REVELATION


Revelation:
Introduction, Argument, Outline
by
Daniel B. Wallace
March 12, 2003 

I. Introduction
A. The Author
Although the author identifies himself as “John” (1:9), there is no indication as to which John is meant. It has been assumed traditionally that the author was John the apostle. The evidence, both for and against apostolic authorship, is as follows.
1. External Evidence
a. Against Apostolic Authorship
1) Dionysius
Although most ancient church authorities held to apostolic authorship, some did not, particularly Dionysius of Alexandria. By comparing the Gospel of John with the Revelation, Dionysius came to the conclusion that they could not both be authored by the same man. Since he already embraced apostolic authorship for the Fourth Gospel, he had to deny it for the Apocalypse. What Dionysius is not telling us is the motivation behind the rejection. But as Walvoord has stated, “The arguments for rejecting the apostolic authorship stem largely from the theological climate of the third century. At that time the Alexandrian School of Theology, including Dionysius, opposed the doctrine of the millennial kingdom which is plainly taught in chapter 20 with its reference to the thousand years.”
But was Dionysius right? Guthrie gives three reasons why Dionysius’ testimony ought to be discounted.
(1) Dionysius’ criticisms “are not based on ancient testimony, but on subjective judgment. They, therefore, derive no value from the fact that a third-century Christian made them, having, indeed, no more value than a twentieth-century critic’s assessment of the differences.”
(2) “Dionysius’ statements about the Greek tend to be misleading for he seems to have overlooked the Semitic flavoring behind the Greek of the Gospel, and his opinion on the inaccuracies of the Apocalypse does not stand up to modern critical judgment, which generally admits that the grammatical deviations are not due to ignorance.”
(3) “Dionysius’ alternative suggestion does not inspire confidence, for his ‘second John’ has remarkably flimsy testimony to his existence.”
On almost every front, Guthrie has overstated his case. We shall take the second point first, then lump the first and third together. It should be noted here, however, that Dionysius has actually based his case (regardless of his motive) on both internal and external evidence. Indeed, his case is so strong that for some time I was persuaded by it!
First, in assessing the linguistic problem, Guthrie is dealing with Dionysius’ statement that whoever wrote the Apocalypse could not have authored the Gospel, because the Greek of the Apocalypse is so different, indeed, so bad (Dionysius calls it “barbarous”), while the Greek of the Fourth Gospel is relatively good Greek. Guthrie paints a uniform picture of modern opinion which is far from uniform: the Greek of the Fourth Gospel is, according to several scholars, very good Greek with almost no trace of Semitisms,  and the solecistic Greek of the Apocalypse cannot be reduced, at all times, to intention.
Second, although Dionysius does not state it explicitly, he is basing his opinion on ancient inference. That is, he has more than likely adopted a certain reading of Papias’ famous statement about “the elder John,” inferring that this John is different than the apostle. It is appropriate at this juncture to turn to Papias’ comment, since so much really hinges on it.
2) Papias
Although Papias’ statement says nothing about the authorship of the Revelation, it does seem to open up the possibility that two well-known Johns were living in Ephesus. In the Fragments of Papias 2:3-4 he says this:
(2:3) But I will not shrink back [from telling] you even as many things as I have already well learned from the elders—and [as many things as] I have ably remembered to arrange systematically by interpretation,  while [at the same time] confirming the truth concerning them. For I was not pleased with those who say many things (even though such is popular with the masses ), but with those who teach the truth. Nor was I pleased with those who remember the other commandments, but [only] with those who [remember the commandments] from the Lord which have been given in faith and which come from it in truth.
(2:4) But if somewhere someone would come  who has heeded the elders, [let it be known that] I [too] have often examined the words of the elders—[namely,] what Andrew or Peter or Philip or Thomas or James or John or Matthew or any other of the Lord’s disciples had said, even what Aristion and the elder John, the Lord’s disciples, were presently saying. For I did not entertain [the idea that] the words from books would benefit me nearly as much as those from a living and abiding voice.
This famous passage, quoted in Eusebius, HE 3.38.4, has been used a solid proof that John the apostle and John the elder were not the same person, and that John the elder wrote the Apocalypse (cf. HE 3.38.5f.). Although Guthrie very much overstates the case against such “solid proof,” there is some possibility that both mentions of John refer to one and the same individual. The evidence for this is as follows.
(1) First, it should be noted that only two titles are given here—elder and disciple (not apostle). Both mentions of John, indirectly or directly, ascribe such a title to the man. Thus, ‘elder John’ is not a title of inferior rank, because Papias does not here refer to ‘apostle Peter,’ etc.
(2) The second mention of John is the only name in the list to have the definite article (oJ presbuvtero"  jIwavnnh"). The article could well be anaphoric. (Although one would expect the article with presbuvtero", if Papias were introducing him for the first time the most natural way to do so would be with the third attributive position: jIwavnnh" oJ presbuvtero"). Still, in all fairness, the article is not obviously anaphoric and one might naturally expect some kind of qualifier if Papias wished to identify clearly one John with the other.
(3) As I. T. Beckwith states, the elder John “has quite commonly been identified with John the apostle, because he is here called, as the text stands, the disciple of the Lord, and no other John is known among the Lord’s personal disciples in the New Testament, or, apart from this fragment of Papias, in the tradition of the first three centuries” (Apocalypse, 363). Of course, no one by the name of Aristion is listed among the personal disciples of the Lord, except here, so this argument may not be as compelling as it at first appears. (Further, as Beckwith admits, the second group can hardly be said to be personal disciples of the Lord, for Papias speaks of them as still speaking [levgousw] in c. AD 125—that is, assuming that ei\pen and levgousw are not verbs retained in indirect discourse (which is precisely how we have translated them).
(4) There is the possibility that Papias meant to treat the first group collectively as Gospel writers (even though only Matthew and John technically belonged in this group, and the second group as disciples of the Lord whom he had known personally. He seems to imply this in the sentence which follows. If so, then in a sense Papias is dealing not only with two different ‘Johns,’ but two different kinds of ‘John’— the Gospel (written voice) and the person (living voice). There would therefore be no need for him to tighten the link (even though the Fourth Gospel would have been written by the ‘living voice’—especially if the ‘living voice’ were more precious.
(5) Finally, Larfield (Die beiden Johannes von Ephesus [1914], 113-36) has argued for a textual emendation (see Beckwith, 365, for a summary) which may also resolve the tension.
It is not our intention here to interact with these arguments, nor even to present them in full detail; we simply wanted to sketch a framework of how Papias’ statement might be taken in a different way. Nevertheless, it should be here pointed out that (1) there is some doubt that Papias actually mentions two men by the name of John, even though Dionysius probably took his starting point from this statement. (2) Even if Papias did speak of two by the name of John, this proves nothing as to the authorship of the Apocalypse. The case ultimately must be settled on other grounds.
b. For Apostolic Authorship
The list of patristic writers who accepted apostolic authorship is impressive and early: Justin Martyr, Irenaeus, Tertullian, Clement of Alexandria, Origen, Hippolytus. That Origen is in the list is especially significant, since he, like Dionysius, was from the Alexandrian school. As Guthrie has pointed out, “there are few books in the New Testament with stronger early attestation.”  Still, it should be mentioned here that the Revelation, even with all this support, struggled for canonicity longer than virtually any other NT book. It was resisted, however, not primarily over questions of authorship, but over questions of theological perspective—viz., its chiliasm.
2. Internal Evidence
Internally, the evidence is not so strong for apostolic authorship. This is, quite frankly, what tips the scales for most scholars today.
a. For Apostolic Authorship
There are essentially three internal arguments for apostolicity.
1) From within the Apocalypse. First, he is known by name alone to the seven churches to which he writes. Such would be more believable if the work were written by the apostle. Second, he expects the churches to respond favorably and obediently to his writing, for he speaks with authority (cf. 1:3; 22:9, 18ff.).  Third, although he writes in the genre of ancient Jewish apocalypses, there is one thing unique about his work: while the Jewish apocalypses were ascribed to great men of an age long ago (e.g., Enoch, Ezra, Baruch), this author simply identifies himself as “John your brother.”
2) From Synoptic Descriptions of John. Known as one of the “Sons of Thunder,” it is possible to see his real character coming out in this work. Guthrie makes much of this, though he makes little or no comment that much in the Revelation is due to the very nature of apocalyptic.
3) From a Comparison with Other Johannine Literature. This really is the strongest argument for common authorship. There are very strong similarities between this work and the Fourth Gospel especially. Both have common ideas, common theological motifs, common terms. For example, only in the Fourth Gospel and in Revelation is lovgo" used of Christ. Further, the symbolic use of seven repeated in this work is found in John as part of his argument (seven signs, seven “I AM” statements, etc.). Indeed, one could well say that the Revelation is closer in thought and verbiage to the Fourth Gospel than it is to any other book in the NT canon.
b. Against Apostolic Authorship
There are likewise three arguments against apostolic authorship.
1) Historical Difficulties. There are conflicting reports in the ancient world about the apostle John’s death. Further, if this work is to be dated toward the end of the first century—and even if the apostle were still alive at that time—could such an old man have written in such a vivid way? Not much weight should really be given to this consideration, however, because the tradition of John’s early death is rather soft, and since we do not know how old he was when called as a disciple (he may have been in his early 20s, perhaps even younger), we cannot comment on his virility in the 90s.
2) Theological Difficulties. Much stronger than the historical problem is the theological one. The trinitarian emphases of the Seer of Patmos are quite different than those of the evangelist. God is Creator, Christ is a warrior, and the Spirit is not one, but seven (1:4). These differences are not that significant when one considers the genre and purpose of the book. But there is one theological difference which is very significant.
Whereas the Fourth Gospel embraces virtually a realized eschatology, the Apocalypse is quite adamant for a futuristic eschatology. It would, in fact, be difficult to find two more extreme eschatological perspectives in the canon. The eschatology of the evangelist is “already,” that of the apocalyptist, “not yet,” while most of the rest of the NT authors held the tension of “already, not yet.” This consideration, coupled with the linguistic argument, admittedly persuaded me for a time. I found it almost inconceivable that the author of the Gospel could ever show any interest in a futuristic eschatology. But once it is established that the evangelist also probably wrote the three Johannine epistles, one can see how he could evolve in his eschatological statements. Indeed, in our historical reconstruction, we suggested that the Gospel of John was written just prior to the outbreak of the Jewish War, the three epistles of John were written during the War, and the Revelation was written quite a bit after the War. The Jewish War surely had an impact on John’s perception and presentation, and if he wrote the Revelation 30 years later, he would have time to reflect on this (for him) new theological motif. Further, if this work was written during Domitian’s reign of terror, the writer could easily envision at least an earnest fulfillment, if not the end times, taking place before his eyes. In the last analysis, the theological differences cannot be taken to be opposed to one another, although they strongly suggest a different time frame. The apostle may well be the author, therefore, of both works.
3) Linguistic Difficulties. Grammatical solecisms in Revelation abound! “The writer seems on the surface to be unacquainted with the elementary laws of concord. He places nominatives in opposition [sic] to other cases, irregularly uses participles, constructs broken sentences, adds unnecessary pronouns, mixes up genders, numbers and cases and introduces several unusual constructions. That the grammatical usages of this book differ from those of the Gospel would seem to be demonstrated beyond doubt. But the real problem is whether one mind could adopt these different usages.”
Regarding the linguistic problem, it would seem virtually impossible for the same mind to have composed both the Gospel and the Apocalypse within a few years of each other. It is not just the linguistic difference, but also the difference in the use of scripture. Most scholars who adopt apostolic authorship of both books would argue that Revelation was written first, then several years later, John. Their argument is that it took time for the apostle to clean up his Greek. But this kind of reasoning is fallacious on two counts: (1) it ignores the psychological problem: would not a man in, say, his 50s already have a fixed way of speaking and thinking? Is it likely that he would clean up his language over the next thirty years, if he had spoken and written in a certain way for over half a century? (2) This view assumes that the Greek of the Apocalypse is due to the author’s ignorance of Greek syntax, when in fact other factors might be involved.
We agree that there is extreme improbability of John having written both books at relatively the same time. The linguistic evidence (as well as use of scripture) compels us in this direction. But we would like to posit another view: as the apostle aged, the language of the OT scriptures became part of the warp and woof of his vocabulary. We believe he wrote the Gospel in the 60s. Thirty years later, after shepherding the flocks in Asia Minor, John’s very language could easily have been strongly impacted by the scriptures he proclaimed. This would be akin to an old preacher using the King James Version all his life. By the time he is old he hardly knows the modern idioms! In the Revelation there are as many as 460 allusions to the OT, though not one direct, formal quotation. It is, in fact, our conviction that these very allusions often, if not normally, picked up the original syntax of the OT passage he was employing, even though such syntax would now be discordant with the context of his own writing (cf. 1:4-5, etc.). Much of this was intentional; much of it was not. But as John aged, biblical language became part of the very fabric of his own linguistic structure.
In conclusion, we think that the balance of evidence is still for apostolic authorship, though the time when the apostle wrote the Fourth Gospel must almost surely precede the time of his writing the Apocalypse by several years. It is fitting that John the apostle would be the author of the Apocalypse. Adolph Schlatter, “who accepted apostolic authorship for all the Johannine writings, pointed out that no other apostle has given so complete a presentation—faith in the Gospel, love in the Epistles, hope in the Apocalypse.”  We might add here that since John apparently knew the Lord more intimately than the other disciples in Christ’s first coming, it seems appropriate that he would also be chosen to see him in his second coming in a most intimate way. In fact, on the analogy of Jesus’ words in Matt 16:28, which were fulfilled in the Transfiguration (17:1ff.), it may well be that John’s Revelation of Jesus Christ is a kind of fulfillment of John 21:21-23.
B. Date
Rather than get into all the details of date, we believe that this book was written during the reign of Domitian (c. 95-96 CE), rather than during Nero’s reign. Although a good case could be made for a Neronic date (so Robinson), in light of our discussion about apostolic authorship coupled with the linguistic differences from the Fourth Gospel, we would much prefer the traditional dating (since we are already convinced of a 60s date for the Gospel).
C. Destination
The Apocalypse was written to seven churches on the mainland of Asia Minor. Though some scholars would like to see these seven churches as representative of seven different ages in church history, there is no justification for this view arising either from the text itself, or from church history. These seven churches, however, may have been selected because they represent the types of churches and Christians which John knew and ministered to.
D. Occasion and Purpose
1. Occasion
The occasion for this work was most certainly the heating up of the state persecution against Christians (1:9). If this is Domitianic persecution, the Seer of Patmos may well be wondering how far off the final eschaton was. Most likely, he believed that the persecutions he was presently undergoing indicated that the end of the age was just around the corner. As it turned out, they were a second wave of earnest fulfillments (just as Hadrian’s leveling of Jerusalem in 135 CE would be a third wave, etc.). But the eschatological hope was always present with the writers of the NT—particularly during troubled times, just as the need for perseverance was always present.
2. Purpose
The Revelation was intended to encourage believers in the midst of Roman persecution, by revealing that their Messiah was in control and would be the ultimate victor. In light of the present circumstances, even though I adopt a futuristic reading of this work, there is much to be said for the preterist view. In the least, John is using his present circumstances as a backdrop for the interpretation of the text, and at most, he himself might have written his tome in the way he did because he thought that the final days had dawned. In light of this purpose, one who interprets the book of Revelation according to the narrow blinders of one school of thought misses much of the intended wealth of this book.
E. Schools of Interpretation
There are four schools of interpretation (in terms of the chronological scheme seen in the book, not in terms of eschatological schools per se): preterist, historicist, futurist, and idealist.
(1) The preterist approach believes that “Revelation is simply a sketch of the conditions of the empire in the first century.”  Although, as we have mentioned, one cannot divorce the interpretation of this book from its occasion (hence, justifying certain elements of this approach), this view cannot adequately handle all the data of Revelation, for the author makes plain that this work is a work describing the future (cf. 4:1).
(2) The historicist view (or continuous-historicist view) “contends that Revelation is a symbolic presentation of the entire course of the history of the church from the close of the first century to the end of time.”  But there are several problems with this view. “First, the exact identification of the events of history with successive symbols has never been finally achieved, even after the events occurred. ... Second, historical interpreters have not satisfactorily explained why a general prophecy should be confined to the fortunes of the western Roman empire.... Third, if the continuous-historical method is valid, its predictions would have been sufficiently plain at the outset to give the [original] reader some inkling of what they meant [cf. 22:10].”
(3) The futurist approach usually argues that “all of the visions from Revelation 4:1 to the end of the book are yet to be fulfilled in the period immediately preceding and following the second advent of Christ.”  There is much to warrant this approach as the primary one, especially (1) the probability that 1:19 is intended to give the outline to the book; (2) the terminus ad quem of Christ’s second coming virtually demands this, since “as the events lead up to this terminus in close succession, one may reason backward and say that the bulk of these events must still be future since the consummation with which they are associated has not yet been attained and since the symbols seem to call for a rapid succession of acts rather than for a protracted process”;  and (3) “the more literal an interpretation that one adopts, the more strongly will he be construed to be a futurist.”
(4) In the idealist approach, “the Revelation represents the eternal conflict of good and evil which persists in every age, although here it may have particular application to the period of the church.”  But like the preterist view, this approach does not do justice to the predictive elements in the book. At bottom, “the idealist view does contain much that is true. Its flaw is not so much in what it affirms as in what it denies.”
Our approach to the Revelation is basically from the futurist perspective, though the preterist and idealist schools cannot be fully discounted since this seems also to have been part of the author’s purpose.
E. Theme
The theme of this book is stated in the first verse: “The Revelation of Jesus Christ.” It is a revelation both from him and about him, and it is principally a revelation of him as the coming warrior and king. In essence, this book says: “Jesus is going to win!”
II. Argument
John begins this seven-fold apocalyptic letter by declaring the source of the revelation of this book (1:1-3), followed by a salutation to seven churches in Asia Minor (1:4-8).
This is immediately followed by a vision of the glorified Christ (1:9-20) in which an outline of the book is uttered (1:19), viz., things past (1:1-20), things present (2:1–3:22), and things to come (4:1–22:21). After establishing the setting (1:9-11), John discloses a magnificent and terrifying sense of the resurrected and glorified Christ (1:12-16). Like Isaiah of old (cf. Isa 6), because John had a clear vision of God he gained a deep sense of sin (cf. 1:17). The glorified Lord then commissioned him to write this book (1:19-20).
The second section is occupied with the Lord’s messages to seven churches—the things present (2:1–3:22). A brief message, usually containing a rebuke and a promise, and always containing a self-description of the glorified Lord, was sent to: Ephesus (2:1-7), Smyrna (2:8-11), Pergamum (2:12-17), Thyatira (2:8-29), Sardis (3:1-6), Philadelphia (3:7-13), and Laodicea (3:14-22).
The largest section of the book deals with things future, or the consummation of all things (4:1–22:21). John begins with an introductory scene in heaven (4:1–5:14), revealing both the holy glory of God (4:1-11) and the redemptive work of the Lamb, the Lion from the tribe of Judah (5:1-14). Since the visions to follow will be horrific in their disclosure both of man’s depravity and God’s judgment, these twin themes needed to be shown to the apostle in a different light first. Thus John is introduced to the tribulation period (4:1–18:24) by first getting a dose of God’s holiness and the cost of redemption. Only in this light could he see the following visions properly.
Then follows a series of judgments, all grouped in sevens. The first group of judgments is the seven seal judgments (6:1–8:1), though they come in two waves. The first six are detailed (6:1-17), followed by a parenthetical section (7:1-17). In this parenthesis the sealing of 144,000 Israelites (7:1-8) and the worship of an innumerable number of (presumably Gentile) converts, tribulation martyrs (7:9-17), is revealed. In the midst of the outpouring of God’s wrath in the form of seven seals, this vision of hope and salvation emerges. Once again, the motifs of God’s holiness (7:15-16) and Christ’s redemption (7:17) are never far from the foreground. Immediately after this glorious sight, the seventh seal is poured out (8:1).
The next series of judgments is the seven trumpets (8:2–11:19), which are designed largely after the plagues on Egypt. These trumpet judgments are more drastic, definite, and final than the seal judgments, but not as universal as the bowl judgments to follow. Once again, after a graphic description of six judgments (8:2–9:21), there follows another parenthesis (10:1–11:14), dealing with the little book (10:1-11) and the two witnesses (11:1-14). As a sort of interlude or calm before the storm, a parenthesis just before the final judgment is given to the Seer. And as with the first parenthesis, this one should remind him of the glory of God (10:6a), the necessity to carry out his own commission—in spite of the pain (10:6b-11), and the impenitence of men, even though they have witnesses (11:1-14). The seventh trumpet follows (11:15-19), although no specific content of this judgment is given (as with the seventh seal).
Then, in rapid succession, are three more parentheses. First, the woman and the war (12:1-18) are described. The dragon who wages war on the woman is Satan; his hostility against the woman, Israel, and her child, the Messiah, are pictured quite vividly. This first parenthesis is describing the same events as are taking place in chapters 6-11, though from a different angle. Whereas in the earlier chapters God’s viewpoint was seen, now Satan’s is portrayed. The next parenthesis concerns two beasts (13:1-18). After Satan’s plans to consume the woman and her child had failed, he now contemplates his next move. Chapter 13 is the result of meditation. Now the beasts go after the saints (13:7), as well as the rest of the world (13:8).
A fifth parenthesis reverts back to the divine perspective (14:1-20), viz., the judgment by the lamb. The scene first depicts the 144,000 worshipping him (14:1-5), followed by announcements of doom on the earth by three angels (14:6-12). In the midst of this prediction of coming judgment a blessing is pronounced on the saints who are martyred during it (14:13). The lamb is then pictured as a reaper (14:14-16) who reaps a global judgment resulting in a blood bath for the earth-dwellers (14:17-20).
The final series of judgments is the seven bowl judgments (15:1–18:24). There is a lengthy prelude to the judgments (15:1–16:1), which points to decisive results to be obtained during the judgments (15:5–16:1), though prefaced by a note of hope and perseverance seen in a new batch of martyrs singing in heaven (15:1-4). Then come the judgments (16:2-21). Six out of seven of them are the same as the plagues on Egypt, only these are more climactic and universal.
Immediately after the seven great bowl judgments is the judgment of the great harlot (17:1-18). Her name is called “Mystery, Babylon” (17:5), thus indicating that this is not the literal city, as can be seen in the interpretation given (17:18). The spirit of Babylon lives on in the secular city: in John’s day, it was Rome; in our day, Washington. The fall of the great city is then described in 18:1-24. But rather than being a political and religious entity as in chapter 17, this city is commercial, as can be seen by those who lament over her demise (18:9-19). Though merchants and sea captains lament her fall, there is rejoicing by the godly (18:20).
The last major portion of this third section deals with seven last things (19:1–22:5). A transition is made to the millennial kingdom (19:1–20:15), but focusing on two women: the harlot and the bride (19:1-10). Once again, judgment is placed against a backdrop of blessing. Then, in rapid succession, come the seven last things (19:11–22:5)—the first six of which are in chronological sequence covering the millennial kingdom.
First, the second coming of Christ is disclosed (19:11-16). Second, the battle at the end of the age is envisioned, with an ensuing feast for birds (19:17-21). Third, Satan is bound for one thousand years (20:1-3). Fourth, the millennial kingdom is described (20:4-6). Fifth, at the end of the one thousand years, Satan is again unleashed and destroyed (20:7-10). Sixth, the great white throne judgment which takes place at the end of the millennium is recorded (20:11-15).
The seventh last thing (21:1–22:5) is the eternal state. That God has created a new heaven and new earth is taken by faith, for it is declared from the throne (21:3-8). John then tells us what he sees, viz., the new Jerusalem (21:9–22:5). It is a totally rebuilt and dazzling city (21:9-21), in which there is no temple because God and the Lamb are its temple (21:22-27). Out of its midst is flowing the river of life (22:1-3a), and God and the Lamb provide its light (22:3b-5).
After this splendid finale to a vision of the future, John concludes his book with an appeal to the readers (22:6-21). Three give their testimony of the veracity of this book: an angel (22:6-11), Jesus himself (22:12-17), and John (22:18-21).

III. Outline
I. The Things Past: Christ (1:1-20)
A. Introduction (1:1-8)
1. Prologue (1:1-3)
2. Salutation (1:4-8)
B. The Vision of Christ (1:9-20)
1. The Setting (1:9-11)
2. The Scene (1:12-16)
3. The Subsequent Response and Commission (1:17-20)
II. The Things Present: The Churches (2:1–3:22)
A. The Message to Ephesus (2:1-7)
B. The Message to Smyrna (2:8-11)
C. The Message to Pergamum (2:12-17)
D. The Message to Thyatira (2:18-29)
E. The Message to Sardis (3:1-6)
F. The Message to Philadelphia (3:7-13)
G. The Message to Laodicea (3:14-22)
III. The Things Future: The Consummation (4:1–22:21)
 The Tribulation Period (4:1–18:24)
A. Introduction: The Vision of Heaven (4:1–5:14)
1. The Throne of the Lord God Almighty (4:1-11)
2. The Book of the Lion of the Tribe of Judah (5:1-14)
B. The Seven Seal Judgments (6:1–8:1)
1. The First Seal (6:1-2)
2. The Second Seal (6:3-4)
3. The Third Seal (6:5-6)
4. The Fourth Seal (6:7-8)
5. The Fifth Seal (6:9-11)
6. The Sixth Seal (6:12-17)
(First Parenthesis: The 144,000 Israelites and the Innumerable Multitude [7:1-17])
a. The Sealing of the 144,000 (7:1-8)
b. The Worship  of the Tribulation Saints (7:9-17)
7. The Seventh Seal (8:1)
C. The Seven Trumpet Judgments (8:2–11:19)
1. The First Trumpet (8:2-7)
2. The Second Trumpet (8:8-9)
3. The Third Trumpet (8:10-11)
4. The Fourth Trumpet (8:12-13)
5. The Fifth Trumpet (9:1-12)
6. The Sixth Trumpet (9:13-21)
(Second Parenthesis: The Little Book and the Two Witnesses [10:1–11:14])
a. The Little Book (10:1-11)
b. The Two Witnesses (11:1-14)
7. The Seventh Trumpet (11:15-19)
(Third Parenthesis: The Woman and the War [12:1-18])
a. The Birth of the Male Child (12:1-6)
b. The War in Heaven (12:7-12)
c. The Persecution of the Woman (12:13-18)
(Fourth Parenthesis: The Two Beasts [13:1-18])
a. The Beast out of the Sea (13:2-10)
b. The Beast out of the Land (13:11-18)
(Fifth Parenthesis: The Judgment by the Lamb [14:1-20])
a. The 144,000 Worshippers of the Lamb (14:1-5)
b. The Three Angelic Announcements of Judgment (14:6-12)
1) Against the Whole Earth (14:6-7)
2) Against Babylon (14:8)
3) Against Worshippers of the Beast (14:9-12)
c. Blessing for Martyrs (14:13)
d. The Reaper of Judgment (14:14-16)
e. The Vintage of Judgment (14:17-20)
D. The Seven Bowl Judgments (15:1–18:24)
1. The Great Judgments Announced (15:1–16:21)
a. Introduction to the Bowl Judgments (15:1–16:1)
1) The Song of Moses Sung by Martyrs (15:1-4)
2) The Scene in Heaven of Seven Angels (15:5–16:1)
b. The First Bowl (16:2)
c. The Second Bowl (16:3)
d. The Third Bowl (16:4-7)
e. The Fourth Bowl (16:8-9)
f. The Fifth Bowl (16:10-11)
g. The Sixth Bowl (16:12-16)
h. The Seventh Bowl (16:17-21)
2. The Great Harlot Judged (17:1-18)
a. The Vision of the Harlot (17:1-6)
b. The Interpretation of the Vision (17:7-18)
1) The Present Status (17:7-8)
2) The Future Judgment (17:9-18)
a) The Seven Heads (17:9-11)
b) The Ten Horns (17:12-14)
c) The Harlot (17:15-18)
3. The Great City Fallen (18:1-24)
a. Announcement of Babylon’s Fall (18:1-3)
b. The Cause of the Fall (18:4-8)
c. The Lamentation over the Fall (18:9-19)
1) By Kings (18:9-10)
2) By Merchants (18:11-17)
3) By Sea Captains (18:18-19)
d. The Rejoicing Over the Fall (18:20)
e. The Results of the Fall (18:21-24)
E. The Seven Last Things (19:1–22:5)
The Millennial Kingdom (19:1–20:15)
1. Introduction: Praise for Judgment of the Harlot and Wedding of the Bride (19:1-10)
a. The Harlot’s Judgment (19:1-5)
b. The Bride’s Wedding (19:6-10)
2. The First Last Thing: The Second Coming of Christ (19:11-16)
3. The Second Last Thing: The Supper and the Slaughter (19:17-21)
4. The Third Last Thing: The Binding of Satan (20:1-3)
5. The Fourth Last Thing: The Kingdom of the Messiah (20:4-6)
6. The Fifth Last Thing: The Loosing of Satan (20:7-10)
7. The Sixth Last Thing: The Great White Throne (20:11-15)
The Eternal State (21:1–22:5)
8. The Seventh Last Thing: The New Heaven and the New Earth (21:1–22:5)
a. The Visions Declared (21:1-2)
b. The New Heaven and Earth: Declared from the Throne (21:1-8)
c. The New Jerusalem: Seen by John (21:9–22:5)
1) The New City (21:9-21)
2) The “Non-Temple” (21:22-27)
3) The River of Life (22:1-3a)
4) The Light of the Lamb (22:3b-5)
F. Epilogue (22:6-21)
1. The Testimony of the Angel (22:6-11)
2. The Testimony of Jesus (22:12-17)
3. The Testimony of John (22:18-21)